The astonishing rise of
Hindutva politics, especially
in the Hindi belt, has almost
relegated the politics of social
justice to the back burner. Till
recently, it was the Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) that
emphatically raised the
agenda of social justice and
also mobilised the lower
castes as influential
participants in the electoral
democracy of Uttar Pradesh.
However, in the last
Assembly elections in Uttar
Pradesh, it must be noted
that the BSP has witnessed
a considerable drop in its vote
percentage (from 30.43% in
2007 to 22.24% in 2017).
And instead, it has been the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
that has emerged as a
new ‘inclusive’ party,
with a whopping 39% of
the vote share. In the
current phase of politics
and elections, it is the
BSP that appears to be
inactive and irrelevant.
Key strategy
The right-wing party
has been quite
successful in engaging
and bringing the socially
marginalised sections
into its fold by executing
creative cultural
strategies. However, the
Yogi Adityanath
government has not
provided substantive
welfare policies to satisfy the
quest for social justice or to
enable rapid economic
development as far as the
backward communities are
concerned. The recent
examples of Other Backward
Castes (OBCs) leaders
moving away from the BJP
is a hint that the socially
deprived communities could
be disillusioned with the BJP
and might lend their support
to the Samajwadi Party (SP)
that appears to be promising
in political terms. Such a shift
could reinvent the politics of
social justice in the State.
B.R. Ambedkar held the
view that social justice is not
merely a welfare policy
framework. Rather, it is a
dynamic tool to generate
revolutionary political
consciousness among
socially marginalised groups.
In the post-Ambedkar period,
it was Kanshi Ram, the
founder of the BSP, who
reintroduced the agenda of
social justice as a
transformative political
ideology.Kanshi Ram utilised
the ideas of social justice to
highlight oppressive caste
hierarchies and also inspired
marginalised groups to build
a robust political opposition.
He argued that the national
political parties retained their
domination over legislative
bodies by relegating the
lower caste groups as a
passive vote bank. He
imagined that the socially
marginalised communities
could be united under a Dalit
leadership (as Bahujan) and
defeat the traditional ruling
castes (often represented as
Manuwadis). He proposed
that the replacement of the
conventional ruling elites by
a Dalit-Bahujan collective
would bring about a
revolutionary change in
governance and policy
matters.
Imagining the Dalit-
Bahujan mass as the ruling
class was a radical vision.
And forming social and
political alliances are the
foundational requirements to
achieve such goals.
However, the stiff social and
cultural divisions between
Dalits and Other Backward
Classes disallowed the
possibility to organise a
unified political front. The
current vanguards of social
justice politics have been
criticised for a deep
attachment to specific
communitarian identities (like
the BSP and the SP are often
belittled as being the parties
of the Jatavs and Yadavs,
respectively) and alleged that
the worst-off social groups
(such as the Maha-Dalits and
most backward castes) are
not being given their
legitimate space in electoral
politics. Ironically, the lower
caste parties often hesitate to
join hands when it comes to
pushing for an agenda of
social justice (there is the
well-known rivalry between
the BSP and the SP) but find
comfort in fighting
independently or by forming
alliances with the parties led
by social elites. The right wing
exploits the trust deficit
between the Dalit-Bahujan
groups and mobilises them
on distinct cultural fronts.
Right-wing cultural
politics
Since 2014, the BJP has
launched a powerful rhetoric
of development, anticorruption
politics and tapped
the euphoria of nationalism
that often bewitches
aspirational groups and
motivates them to support
right-wing politics. Most
importantly, the maverick top
leadership in the BJP
effectively controls the ship of
propaganda and makes this
party a dynamic force among
the vulnerable social groups.
The right wing’s
understanding of social
justice is curated under a
neo-liberal ideological
prescription. It looks down on
popular institutional practices
to ensure social justice
(mainly the reservation
policy) as the state’s
philanthropist distributive
mechanism for lending some
material doles to the deprived
sections. Instead, the right
wing underplays lower caste
identities as being socially
deprived classes and
reprimands their assertion for
social justice as being a
disruptive force against
Hinduism. The BJP crafts
creative cultural strategies
that perpetuate the
domination of caste and class
elites and motivates Dalit-
Bahujan sections to find
solace in the assertive
communal Hindu identity.
The domination of the social
elites over political and public
institutions is thus legitimised
under the rubric of Hindu
social harmony.
Importantly, the right
wing engages with lower
caste groups as a cultural
and religious subject and
exploits their association with
Hindu rituals and traditions.
The divisionary caste
segments are celebrated as
ruminants of Hindu
civilisation; a new
iconography and social
history for each fragment are
invented (like the evocation
of Suheldev as the legend of
the ‘Pasi’ caste). Such
inventions are not only
utilised to institutionalise the
social ruptures between
lower caste groups but also
becomes a potent tool to
propagate communal hatred
against Muslims.
Parties such as the
BSP and the SP have
aspired to elevate the
Dalit-Bahujan masses
as the new political
elites. Instead, the BJP’s
Machiavellian cultural
politics in Uttar Pradesh
have been exploiting
caste divisions and
relegating the lower
caste groups as militant
participants in a Hindu
‘renaissance’ under the
aegis of social elites.
The Yogi Adityanath
regime has no road map
to empower the vast
majority of impoverished
communities from
poverty, social discrimination
and political powerlessness.
In the past, the rhetoric of
inclusive growth or of Hindu
unity may have impressed
socially marginalised groups
but such ideas have no
power to liberate the poor and
the vulnerable sections from
their precarious social and
class conditions. Hindutva’s
hegemonic cultural politics
can be defeated by
reinventing the ideology of
social justice. The
proponents of social justice
have to demonstrate
substantive accountability
towards the vulnerable worstoff
groups; and they also
have to ensure their dignified
presence in the mainstream
political process. It is required
that Dalit-Bahujan politics
craft creative strategies to
inspire the most vulnerable
sections by building a
prudent engagement with the
cultural diversities and social
identities. A dynamic
interplay of social justice and
socialism would be a lethal
ideological weapon to defeat
the communal politics of Uttar
Pradesh.